Regulus and Classical Reception in Robin Hobb’s “The Triumph”

“Classical Reception” encompasses all work concerned with postclassical material, including history of scholarship; history of the book, film and media studies; performance history; translation studies;  response and personal voice criticism; postcolonial studies; medieval and Neo-Latin; and much else besides.  Therefore, reception has helped to challenge the traditional idea of what “classics” is.  It is not merely a matter of looking at what happened to classics after what we like to now call “late antiquity,” but of contesting the idea that classics is something fixed, with predefined boundaries, and whose nature we can understand on its own terms.  Reception allows for classics to evolve, involving the active participation of readers in a two way process, in which the past and present are in dialogue with one another.

Robin Hobb’s “The Triumph”, enables us to transcend time to visit the ancient city of Carthage in the year 251 BC.  Hobb’s story gives us a perspective of Marcus Atilius Regulus’ final dying days, and the events that led to his gruesome death.  Regulus appears in many sources because of his extraordinary story, and the use of his life story as an example of Roman virtue and honor. Regulus, consul 267 and 256 BC., invaded Africa during the First Punic War, and after winning an initial battle on Carthaginian soil, he entered into negotiations for peace with the city leaders. However, deemed too harsh by the Punic leaders, talks broke down, and the war was continued. In the ensuing battle, his forces were routed, and he was held captive by the Carthaginians. Released to Rome ca. 250 BC. to negotiate a peace, or at least a trade of prisoners of war, Regulus, however, goaded the Roman Senate to continue the war, and returned to Carthage, as he had promised, to be tortured. While Rome later did negotiate a trade of prisoners with the Carthaginians around 247 BC., the exemplum of Regulus was used throughout the remainder of Roman history, and later in the western world.  While Robin Hobb strays from the classical sources a few times throughout her depiction of Regulus, the true debate should lie in her ability to engage the reader into the classical world, and her ability to imitate the the past versus seeking the construction of the-past-as-it-really-was-in-itself.

wl114 Hobb details several accounts of Regulus, but the true importance to her writing is her focus on accounts that many modern historians have attempted to deem as myths and falsifications of the true historical account by ancient historians.  Those specific accounts being Regulus’ battle against a serpent while in Africa, his return to Rome to negotiate a peace, and his torture upon returning to Carthage.  For each of these specific events, I will detail Robin Hobbs portrayal of Regulus, countered against the historical tradition of the account, while attempting to display the importance of Regulus’ story as it can be applied to the evolution of reception studies.

Livy, Zonaras, Ionnes Damascenes, Silius Italicus, and Aulus Gellius each give an account of a fascinated story on how Regulus defeated a 120-foot serpent that attacked his troops, defeated it with catapults, and sent the skin to Rome for display.  Therefore, it is not out of line for Robin Hobb to recount this event through the eyes of her characters, Regulus and Flavius.  In her story, Regulus disbelieves his scouts of such a lengthy creature, yet diverts his river crossing to avoid the beast.  The serpent still finds his forces, and injures his Italian neighbor, Flavius, when his own life is threatened.  Hobb, by giving her characters the ability to speculate and appear in awe of the beast, places us in the battle, and gives the reader a practical imitation of how a traumatizing event could be embellished by those involved.  W. W. Fowler, who wrote “Roman Essays and Interpretations” in 1920, thought that the serpent that Regulus fought had been a member of a nearly extinct species, whose length is nearly sixty feet, and that merely its length and the number of victims was embellished, but more so, he supposed an attack with equipment was plausible.  The account is the first such where a foreign beast is sent back to Rome, being the first Roman war fought outside of Italy, and this fact should hold some significance, even though many modern historians have attempted to discount the historical accounts of the battle.

The Triumph’s next account of a historically controversial topic is the portrayal of Regulus’ return to Rome. Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus, consul in 129 BCE, is reported by Aulus Gellius, as well as Dio Cassius, Appian, Cicero, Livy, and Zonaras, to have returned to Rome while a prisoner to engage in peace negotiations around the year 250 BCE.  He swore an oath to the Carthaginian senate that he would return from his parole if he could not sway the Roman senate to peace, or at least a trade of prisoners.  Once in Rome, he, instead, told his fellow senators to continue to wage war against Carthage.  Historians have discounted the accounts as fabrications, based in part because of the silence of Polybius.  John Toland, in his dissertation “The Fabulous Death of Atilius Regulus” of 1722, was the first to assert that Polybius’ silence proved the fiction of the account of his returning to Rome.  Later, he was supported by Louis De Beaufort in his “Dissertation sur l’incertitude des cinq premiers sicles de l’histoire romaine.”  Meanwhile, Tenney Frank found no reason to reject the accounts of the mission because of Polybius’ silence, despite Polybius’ relationship to Fabius Pictor and other Romans, and Polybius implies at one point his histories that more could be said on the subject.

Robin Hobb’s true topic in her story “The Triumph,” is the torture of Marcus Atilius Regulus, which opens and closes her feature in the book, Warriors.  She depicts Regulus as having his eyelids removed, and being hung in a spiked chamber over the gated entrance to the city of Carthage.  In the historical accounts, he died upon his return from Rome; however the way he died is debated among ancient historians.  Tubero, in an extract in Gellius, along with Dio and Zonaras, say the Carthaginians tortured Regulus by sewing his eyelids open, turning his face upward towards the sun.  One extract from Diodorus, preserved by Tzertes, indicates Regulus was tortured by having his eyelids cut off with a knife, and was then crushed to death by a maddened elephant.  While none of the extant fragments of Diodorus mention the peace mission to Rome, but only that Regulus’ wife was under the impression that he died from lack of care.  Tuditanus and Appian agreed that Regulus did in fact die from being kept awake for a long time.  Furthermore, Cicero accounted that Regulus died from cruel torture.  Diodorus Siculus, Tuditanus, Zonaras, Dio Cassius, and Polybius account that the Roman senate turned over two highborn Carthaginian captives that the family of Regulus tortured in retribution for the Marcus Atilius Regulus’ death.  The inability of the ancient historians to agree has made for deathofregulusthe topic to be a subject of debate among modern historians for its veracity as well.  In 1668, Palmerius published his “Exercitationes in Optimos fere Autures Graecos” endeavored to prove that the accounts of Regulus’ torture and death were fictional.  Palmerius claimed that Diodorus Siculus, being a Sicilian, would have better knowledge of Carthaginian interactions than a Roman, and thus his account was the correct one.  In addition, Palmerius interpreted Polybius’ silence on the story as an inability to trust the sincerity of both Philinus and Fabius’ accounts of Regulus’ death.  He then suggested that Polybius did not want to surpass the limits of historical certainty by recounting a popular Roman tale as truth, nor did he wish to incur Roman hatred by merely dismissing it as rumor.  Toland also attested that the torture of Regulus was a legend that was created by Regulus’ wife and children to keep themselves out of jail for such inhumane tortures of their Carthaginian prisoners.  He assesses his belief that the women of Rome fostered the myth to keep his wife within her rights.  Louis De Beaufort supported Palmerius’ opinion on the death of Marcus Atilius Regulus, attested that the contrasting accounts of Tuditanus, Tubero, Cicero, and Florus, coupled with the agreement of Appian and Silius about what proved the illegitimacy of the account.  A number of modern historians, however, have treated his story more favorably.  W. W. Fowler found the alleged savagery of the widow incredible and suggested that if the story of Regulus’ oath, his mission to Rome, and his heroic death was an invention, then it had as its purpose the illustration of Roman belief in the sanctity of oaths, and not the concealment of a barbaric crime.  Pais attempted to defend the validity of the accounts of Regulus’ torture, in his “I tormenti inflitti ad Attilio Regolo e l’autenticita della tradizione Romana.”  He found it difficult to reject an account of an event purported to have occurred in a period when roman historiography had seriously begun.  He also asserted that Diodorus’ statement that Regulus died of neglect was only proof to his wife that Regulus needed more attention, but not that he died of disease.  If Diodorus’ account that the government intervened to rescue Hasdrubal, it was only a sign that Roman society had begun to condemn excessive application of personal vendettas.  Moreover, by joining Diodorus account to Polybius’ selectivity, it gave credibility to the tradition.  Finally, Pias remarked that modern attitudes make it difficult to understand the character of Regulus, who would sacrifice his life for the greatness of Rome.

Robin Hobb’s “The Triumph” displays a strong knowledge of the ancient sources throughout her contribution to Warriors.  Her depiction of Regulus enables us to bear witness to a tragic account of a Roman consul as documented by ancient historians.  Her attempt to “imitate” the true historical accounts shows the reader how embellishments and judgments can leak into ancient historical accounts of Regulus’ life.  Modern historians discount the tale of Regulus because the character of Regulus is a display of a selfless stoicism that is lost in an anti-honor society, as documented in James Bowman’s Honor: A History.  Elizabethan playwrights were in awe of the ability to sacrifice oneself for their country, which served as the impetus of their portrayals of him to spawn a nationalistic movement among the youth of their societies.  Meanwhile, it opens Regulus to continued debate about his historiography, and serves as an example of T.S. Eliot’s argument that, “the past [is] altered by the by the present as much as the present is directed by the past.”  As long as we can look back on the past and attempt to deconstruct it, we will also be open to the rewriting and altering of history.  The story of Regulus is now treated as a myth in most history books, and modern literature, which displays his stoic death, is treated as an example of the motives that ancient historians encountered when they decided to embellish his accomplishments in order to serve as a example of Roman virtues.  “The Triumph” allows us to continue debate on the topic  and to continue to study how we receive classics today.

 

Warriors

 

For more, see my speech on the Historiography of Marcus Atilius Regulus from 2009’s 8th Annual Undergraduate Classics Conference at Miami University’s Marcum Conference Center, as well as my full Chronological Table of Sources.

Chronological Table of Sources of Marcus Atilius Regulus

This table is designed as a convenient guide to the primary texts upon which the foregoing study of Marcus Atilius Regulus has been based. Modern critical evaluations, both literary and historiographic, are reserved for the Bibliography.

Standard references have been maintained for the ancient sources. Subsequently, fairly fuller bibliographic descriptions have been provided to facilitate future consultation of works outside the classical collections. The table will have found its ultimate justification in its serviceability for further study of the Roman heroic exempla.

Author

Date

Reference

Polybius

Probably wrote Bk. I before 146 B.C.E.

i. 25-35.

Tuditanus

Consul 129 B.C.E.

See Gellius NA vii. 4. 1-4.

Tubero

Younger Contemporary of Cicero (46 B.C.E.).

See Gellius NA vii. 3. 1, 4. 2.

Cicero

Died 43 B.C.E.

Sest. 127.

   

Pis. 43.

   

Parad. ii. 16.

   

Nat. D. iii. 80, 82.

   

Fin. ii. 65; v. 82-83, 88.

   

Sen. 20.

   

Tuscul. V. 5. 14-16.

   

Att. xvi. 11. 4.

   

Off. i. 39; iii. 99-100, 108-111.

   

Phil. xi. 4.

Diodorus Siculus

Contemporary of Julius Caesar.

xxiii. 12-16; xxiv. 12. See Tzetzes Chil. iii. Lines 356-386.

Horace

Died 8 B.C.E.

Carm. i. 12; iii. 5.

Livy

Died 17 C.E.

xxviii. 41. 17-18; xxix. 28. 5; xxx. 30. 23; Per. xvii-xviii.

Trogus

Contemporary of Livy.

See Justinius.

Festus

Unknown, after 14 C.E.

De verb. sign. 12.

Seneca Rhetor

Wrote during the period 34-41 C.E.

Contr. v. 7

Valerius Maximus

Wrote during the reign of Tiberius.

i. 1. 14; 8. ext. 19; ii. 9. 8; iv. 4. 6; ix. 2. ext. 1; 6. ext. 1.

Seneca the Younger

Died 65 C.E.

Ben. v. 3

   

Dial. i. 3. 4, 9-11; ix. 16. 4; xii. 12. 5.

   

Ep. Mor. lxiii. 7; lxvii. 1-12; xcviii. 12.

Columella

Contemporary of Seneca the Younger.

Re Rust. i. 4. 2.

Pliny the Elder

Died 79 C.E.

Hist. Nat. xviii. 27.

Quintilian

Died about 100 C.E.

Inst. Orat. xii. 30.

Silius Italicus

Died about 101.

Pun. vi. lines 62-555

Frontius

Died about 104.

Strateg. ii. 10; iv. 3. 3.

Plutarch

Died after 120.

Mor. iv. Par. Graec. et Rom. 311C; xi. De Herod. Malig. 847 A.

Pomponius

Died after 121.

See Digesta.

Florus

Wrote during the reign of Hadrian.

Epit. 1. 20. 1; ii. 17-25.

Appian

Wrote about 160.

Lib. iii; Sic. ii.

Apuleius

Wrote during the period 155-161.

Apol. 18.

Polyaenus

Wrote about 161.

Strateg. viii. 12.

Gellius

Wrote during the reign of M. Aurelius.

NA vii. 3. 1; 4. 1-4.

Cassius Dio

Died about 235.

Frag. xi. ed. Henderson. (Cambridge, Mass. 2001).

Minucius Felix

Lived about 270.

Octavius xxvi. 91. PL III. col. 334.

Justinus

Lived in the 3rd Cent.

Epit. xli. 13. 3.

Tertullian

Died about 240.

Ad Nat. ii. 584ff. PL I. cols. 655ff.

   

Adv. Gent. 532ff. PL I. cols. 600ff.

   

Ad Mart. 625 ff. PL I. cols. 699 ff.

Cyprian

Died 258.

Idol. Vanit. 572. PL IV. col. 592.

Arnobius

Died about 320.

Adv. Gent. Vii. 43. PL V. col. 1281.

Lactantius

Died about 325.

Inst. Div. v. 12. PL VI. col. 592

[Aurelius Victor]

4th Cent.

Vir. Ill. 40.

Eutropius

Wrote about 364.

Breviarium ii. 17, 21, 25. MGH-AA II.

Paeanius

Lived about 380.

Metaphrasis Graeca Eutropii B. 21-24. MGH-AA II.

Ambrose

Died 397.

Ep. xviii. PL XVI. col. 1014.

Claudian

Died about 404.

Cons. Hon. lines 398-418.

   

Bel. Gild. i. lines 70-79.

   

Cons. Stil. i. lines 380-385.

Orosius

Wrote about 417-418.

Hist. Adv. Pag. iv. 8-10.

Augustine

Died 430.

De Civ. D. i. 15, 24; ii. 23; iii. 18; v. 18. PL XLI. cols. 28ff.

   

Contra Jul. 17, 26. PL XLV. cols. 745ff.

   

Ep. cxxv. PL XXXIII. col. 475.

Dracontius

Died about 450.

De Deo iii. lines 408-426 MGH-AA XIV.

Vegetius

Lived in the period 383-450.

Epit. Re Milit. iii. praef.

Boethius

Died 524.

Consol. ii. prosa 6.

Capito

Died about 527.

Versio Graeca Eutropii ii. 24. MGH-AA II.

Justinian

Published 533.

Dig. xlix. 15. 5.

Jordanes

Wrote about 551.

Romana. i. 20-21, MGH-AA V.

Johannes Antiochenus

Died about 649.

Transmission of Capito’s Eutropius.

Johannes Damascenus

Died about 756.

De Draconibus. PG XCIV. col. 1600-1601. (an excerpt from Dio xi.)

Paulus Diaconus

Wrote about 770.

Historia Miscella. MGH-AA II, 40-44.

Freculphus

Died about 880.

Chronicon i. 5. 2. PL CVI. cols. 1034-1035.

[Suidas]

Published about 976.

Lexicon s.v. ‘Ρήγουλος (1) LG I, iv. 290-291. (2) Excerpta Planudea 43. MGH-AA II, 45.

Aimoinus

Died 1008.

Vita Theodorici Regis i. 10. lines 25-39. MGH-SS Merov. II, 211.

Landolfus Sagax

Died about 1026.

Historia Miscella MGH-AA II, 240-242.

Ekkehardus Uraugiensis

Wrote about 1125.

Chronicon Universale. PL CLIV. cols. 610-611.

Zonaras

Died about 1130.

Epit. Dionis viii. 12-15. See Dio Cassius.

Guillaume de Conches [Hildebert of Tours]

Died 1154.

Moralis Philosophia i. 33. PL CLXXI. col. 1032.

Otto of Freising

Died 1158.

Chronica. MGH-SGUS XXV, 106-108.

John of Salisbury

Died 1180.

Policraticus vii. 557b. (Oxford, 1909), I, 313.

Johannes Tzetzes

Died about 1180.

Chil. iii. lines 356-374 ed. Kiessling (Leipzig, 1826). See Diodorus xxiii. Ed. Walton (Cambridge, Mass. 1957) XI, 108-110).

[Anon.]

Wrote about 1250.

Cronica Minor. MGH-SGUS XXIV, 526-527.

Vincent of Beauvais

Died 1264.

Speculum Historiale v. 35-36. reprint of Duaci, 1624 edition, 147.

Jacobus de Cessolis

Wrote about 1290.

Liber de Moribus Hominum et de Officiis Nobilium 2. 5. (Brandenburg, 1879).

[Matthew of Westminster]

Wrote about 1306.

Flores Historiarum I. xv. xliii. Rolls Series No. 95, I, 52-53.

Dante Alighieri

Died 1321.

Convivio iv. 5. 14. Opere di Dante, ed. Busnelli e Vandelli (Firenze, 1964) II, 2.

[Anon.]

Written about 1325?

Gesta Romanorum, 268, app. 72, 668-669.

Tolomeo da Lucca

Died about 1327.

Determinatio Compendiosa de Iurisdictione Imperii 21. (Hanover, 1909).

Engelbert of Admont

Died 1331.

Speculum Virtutum vi. 4, 7. Bibliotheca Ascetica (Ratisbonae, 1724), III.

Ranulph Higden

Died 1364.

Polychronicon. Rolls Series No. 41, IV, 40-44.

Francesco Petrarca

Died 1374.

De Officiis et Virtutibus Imperatoris, in Onosandri De Re Militari Commentariis (Noribergae, 1595), 136.

   

De Remediis Utriusque Fortunae i. dial. 21; ii. dial. 25. (Budae: Landerer, 1756).

   

Africa iii. lines 534, 626; vi. line 636; vii. line 318. ed. N. Festa (Firenze, 1926).

   

Epistolae Familiares iii. 10. 12; vi. 3. 40, 52; vii. 3. 7; x. i. 16; xi. 16. 22; xiii. 4. 12; xvi. 1. 1-2; 3. 3; xxii. 14. 57; xxiv. 8. 4. (Firenze, 1964)

Giovanni Boccaccio

Died 1375.

De Casibus Illustrium Vivorum v. (Parrhisiis, [1520?]), foll. xlviii-xlix.

Thomas Hoccleve

Wrote 1412.

Regement of Princes. Sec. 2. lines 2246-2296. EETS Extra Series 72.

Laurent de Premierfait

Died 1418.

Les Cas des nobles hommes et femmes. Morgan Library MS 342-343 (ca. 1475), II, foll. 4-7. This paraphrase of Boccaccio’s De Casibus was composed about 1409.

John Lydgate

Died about 1451.

Fall of Princes v. lines 424-804. EETS 122.

Roberto Valturio

Wrote at end of 15th cent.

De Re Militari ii; iii; v; vi (Paris, 1535). The first edition appeared in 1472 at Verona.

Jaun Luis Vives

Died 1540.

De Causis Corruptarum Artium vi. 2 in Opera Omnia (London, Gregg, 1964 reprint), VI.

Jehan de Beaubrueil

Published 1582.

Regulus, Tragedie… (Limones, 1582).

Michel E. de Montaigne

Died 1592.

Essais i. 52; ii. 3; iii.6. (Paris, Garnier, 1962).

[Jean Desmarts de Saint Sorlin]

Published 1671.

Regulus ou le vray genereus. Poeme heroique dedie a M. de Bartillat. (Paris, L. Rondet, 1671).

John Milton

Published 1671.

Paradise Regained ii. Lines 431-449. (New York, 2006).

Jacques Pradon

Published 1688.

Régulus, Tragedie, in Les Oeuvres de M. Pradon. (Paris, 1744).

John Crowne

Published 1692.

Regulus. in The Dramatic Works (New York, 1967).

Jacques Pradon

Performed 1711.

L’Attilio Regolo. Trans. G. Gigli. Tragedia del franzese rappresentata in Roma…nel Carnavale del 1711. (Sienna, 1711).

[?]

Performed 1719.

M. Attilio Regolo. Drama per musica da rapresentari…nel Carnovale dell’ anno 1719. (Roma, 1719).

Pietro Metastasio

Published 1740.

Attilio Regolo, in Opere di Pietro Metastasio. (Venezia, 1823)

William Havard

Published 1744.

Regulus. A Tragedy. (London, 1744).

[?]

Published about 1760.

Tragedia. Atilio Regulo. En dos actos … (Barcelona, [1760?])

Claude J. Dorat

Published 1766.

Régulus. Tragedie en trois acted et en vers. (Paris, 1766).

 

Published 1767.

Regulus. Ein Trauerspiel in drei Aufzügen und in prosa. Trans. Frederick Augustus, Prince of Brunswick-Oels. (Postdam, 1767).

Hannah More

Published 1774.

The Inflexible Captive. A Tragedy in The Complete Works of Hannah More, v. 1 (New York, 2006).

Heinrich J. von Collin

Published 1802.

Regulus. Ein Tragödie in fünf Aufzügen. Aachen, 1813.

Lucien E. Arnault

Published 1822.

Regulus. (Paris, 1822).

Joseph Lunn

Published 1823.

Amor Patriae. A Dramatic Poem. (London, 1823).

Jacob Jones

Published 1841.

Regulus. (London, 1841).

David Burns

Published 1842.

Regulus. A Tragedy in Plays and Fugitive Pieces (Hobart Town, Van Diemen’s Land; S.A. Tegg, 1842), I.

James Baldwin

Published 1896.

Fifty Stories Retold. (New York, 1896)

Russell S. Dynda

Published 1999.

Regulus. (Culver City, CA, 1999).

Robin Hobb

Published 2010.

The Triumph” Warriors. (New York, 2010)

Warriors

April 16th, 2007: My Story – Part 4

As the 3rd anniversary of that horrible day approaches, there has been a lot of talk about the 16th.  I talked about the experience for the third time the other night.  Having talked about it, I decided to take some time to write about my experience.  This is over simplified and long, but it will be well documented as my journey over the past 3 years over the next 2 weeks leading up to the anniversary.

Part 4: The Midnight Disease

Lying in the hard bed of my hotel room, clutching my chest, I struggled to breathe. My roommate for the weekend, a Harvard undergrad, was still downstairs, conversing with the other visitors to the Miami University campus. The dinner, which I had left, was very divided, as the Xavier University students, and their fellow Ohio hosts, isolated themselves amongst three tables farthest from the food. My dank joylessness of the event was only emphasized by the remainder of us sitting among the faculty, discussing the topics of our papers to be discussed throughout the course of the conference. Settled there, trying to eat cold baked ziti, I felt that I had surpassed my manageable doldrums for that day. I began to sense the onset of the symptoms at mid-afternoon or a little later – gloom crowding in on me, a sense of dread and alienation and, above all, stifling anxiety. The pain persisted during the opening remarks and reached an apex in the next hour when, back in my room, I fell onto the bed and lay fixated on the ceiling, immobilized and in a trance of supreme discomfort. Rational thought was usually absent from my mind at such times. I can think of no more apposite word for this state of being, a condition of helpless stupor in which cognition was replaced by positive and active anguish. I clearly recall thinking, as I lay there, that my afternoons and evenings were becoming almost measurably worse, and that this episode was the worst to date. Nevertheless, I somehow managed to reassemble myself for the keynote address, by a Columbia University professor who thought the conference so belittling, he had not completed his research and paper presentation.

Earlier in the week, I had dealt with my sleeplessness by watching some of the longest movies ever made. I sought comfort in-between my daily activities, of lying in my dorm room, watching Numb, while my roommate slept above me. During my morning hours I read, to the point of memorization, the daily spring training updates, while I enjoyed the racy comments of Howard Stern on my XM radio. Unbeknownst to me at the time, the show would motivate me for the first time in months to do something during the course of the day. A guest on the show, making light of comedian Artie Lange’s depression, mentioned in passing a book by William Styron.

William Styron’s Darkness Visible, his memoir of dealing with depression, became my reading for the rest of my weekend in Ohio. I had picked it up at a Barnes & Noble in West Virginia along my route, and, sitting alone in the brisk hotel lobby, I consumed a six-pack of Rolling Rock, finishing the book that first night. For the first time I could express to someone the emotions that I felt, or lack thereof, and sought a way to connect with those in my life once again.

Styron’s memoir was a reaction piece, first published in the New York Times. Recounting the circumstances that led to Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness, William Styron claims he decided to write his memoir as a horrified response to Primo Levi’s suicide in 1987, only his horror was not at the suicide itself but rather the published reaction to it. In "annoyance" with such ignorance, Styron argued, "the pain of severe depression is quite un-imaginable to those who have not suffered it" and "to the tragic legion who are compelled to destroy themselves there should be no more reproof attached than to the victims of terminal cancer."

While reading the book I was overcome with the same sense of disgust towards the media reaction of Primo Levi that William Styron felt, both because of my own sense of the disease as well as Styron’s keen sense of writing. William Styron’s memoir works to follow the beginning of his disease until his ultimate recovery. Following the multiple stages of psychoanalysis and psychopharmacology, as parallel to his lack of improvement after treatment, with the ultimate expression that the disease he suffers from is such a thing, and not a weakness of one’s body, soul, and will, as those observed following the death of Primo Levi. It is therefore my will to further enhance his sentiment, by comparing various stages of his treatment to my own, and how there is still a resentment in today’s media against those with depression, regardless of the modern science proving its worthiness as a disease, or those who, among celebrity status, have the disease themselves.

In Styron’s Darkness Visible, he expresses his opinion that depression is a genetic trait, which can be traced back through one’s family lines. He emphasizes that this trait needs a trigger, or catalyst, to become apparent to the victim, and that once the catalyst appears, the disease will manifest, regardless of the victim’s awareness of the progression of the disease. While not going into his family history, he does state that his catalyst is his alcohol withdrawal. He quit drinking, not because he wanted to, but because one day he could no longer stomach the taste of alcohol, and his body forced him to quit. While the idea of a depressant acting to suppress his depression for so many years prior may seem contrary to scientific probabilities, after his recovery from the disease he, rereading his own books, saw his depressive symptoms manifest themselves in the pages of his works and characters, and the evolution of his disease prior. The alcohol served to give him a euphoric sense of being, surpassing the pain, which is one that an alcoholic would search to escape and find in drinking. Meanwhile, it is also proven that the frontal lobes, which are the source of creativity, are also the source of depressive feelings, as well as the effects of alcohol. The alcohol, therefore, could be seen as having aided him in his writings, as it is said to have so many writers, painters, and artists before him.

Only two weeks prior to my trip to Miami University, my freshman year roommate had been prevented from attempting suicide by a passerby, and reawakened an understanding between us that had existed for three years. During our freshman year as cadets, mindless souls that we were, scurrying through the halls of Brodie, seeking to escape sight of the upperclassmen, we would meet friends of ours that lived on the civilian side of campus, of which we would introduce each other. He was a man of medium stature, overweight, but typical of a high school football lineman, and of Caucasian and Asian descent. Commonly reading manga in our room, he had been always been a quiet person, and, although he had participated in high school sports, still new the feeling of being alone and in the shadows. When he introduced me to his fellow Asian friend, I made no notice to the blank stare and expressions of depression that my roommate and I would later share, nor did his face stand out simply by its makeup. Regardless, his plain face would be one to haunt us both, possibly, for the rest of our lives.

In my case, my mother’s side of the family is known to have depression. My grandmother developed alcoholism early in her marriage, both because of my grandfather’s personality as well as her first child having been born retarded. While she still had two more children, the disorder was already there, and the alcoholism of my grandmother, as well as their divorce, served as the catalyst for my mother’s depression. While my grandmother has recovered, and now takes antidepressants, along with my mother and uncle, it was only my depression that was not produced by family issues. My symptoms were hidden until an acquaintance whom I had previously met a year prior changed my world, as well as that of this campus.

Styron’s visit to Paris served as his self awareness that he needed to seek psychiatric help. this passage was the main part of the paper that the New York Times printed as his rebuttal to the press reaction to Primo Levi’s death. Serving as the opening chapter, it describes a trip of his to Paris to receive an award for a short story that had been translated into French, and his realization that his feelings of anxiety were taking over his daily life. His daily routine had been significantly altered by the disease, which prevented his ability to write, as well as to function properly within society and his marriage. He no longer slept, not just in his daily afternoon naps that his career had afforded him, but also at night, where he lay restless in bed, exhausted but until to find peace at night. During his trip, he comes to realize that this may possibly be the last time he sees France, a country he had come to love, and in so documenting it, helped me to see how far that I had come in my own right.

I no longer attended class, for fear of the horrors that I would daydream of while sitting there.  The gunshots wrung through my head as I sat, twitching nervously, waiting for the class to end.  I was beyond focusing on the work at hand, but, rather, bought a Live Scribe pen so that afterwards I may be able to go over the notes that I was unable to take while in the classroom.  Only days before I had concluded that I was suffering from a serious depressive illness, and was floundering helplessly in my efforts to deal with it. I wasn’t excited by the privileged occasion that had brought me to Ohio. Of the many dreadful manifestations of the disease, both physical and psychological, a sense of self-hatred – or, put less categorically, a failure of self-esteem – is one of the most universally experienced symptoms, and I had suffered more and more from general feeling of worthlessness as the malady had progressed. My dank joylessness was therefore all the more ironic because I had driven to Ohio on grant money from Virginia Tech, after they had funded my undergraduate research on Marcus Atilius Regulus. Had I been able to foresee my state of mind as the date of the conference approached, I would not have attended at all.

Depression is a disorder of mood, so mysteriously painful and elusive in the way it becomes known to the self as to verge close to being beyond description. It remains incomprehensible to those who have not experienced it in its extreme mode, although the gloom, “the blues” which people go through occasionally and associate with the general hassle of everyday life are of such prevalence that they do not give many individuals a hint of the illness in its catastrophic form. But at the time of which I write, I had descended far past those familiar, manageable doldrums. In Ohio, I am able to see now, I was at a critical stage in the development of the disease, situated at an ominous way station between its unfocused stirrings earlier that winter and the near-violent denouement of April, which sent me into the hospital.

I returned to Virginia Tech and sought immediate psychiatric help.  I told them about my symptoms, and how I struggled with my classes.  They were amazed that I had taken so long to seek treatment.  I had attempted treatment in the past, but was always turned away because they were unable to see me regularly enough to give me proper treatment.  This time, they were not going to tell me the same.  It was arranged that I would see a psychologist one week, and a psychiatrist the following, so that I would meet someone weekly.  However, that is not truly enough for someone who is suicidal.  They wished for me then to also come in between 8-9 am, when they are open for walk-ins, but because of my inability to fall asleep, I often slept during this time.

The solution that the counselors came up with was to bombard my system with anti-anything drugs.  I was taking three antidepressants.  Of those, one was for depression, one was to balance out the first, and the third was to balance the first two, while also combating the erectile dysfunction that occurred because of the antidepressants.  Being 22 years old, having erectile dysfunction only made me more depressed.  On top of those, I took Lorazapam for when I had a bad panic attack.  However, I also had Clonazapam that I took every morning to calm my heart when it was bombarded with all the antidepressants that I was taking.  And, since all those pills made sleeping difficult, I was prescribed Trazadone to act as a nightly tranquilizer.  Of these pills, which now totals six, nothing helped except the Adderall that my friend gave me from his own pill collection, because i was so drugged up that I was unable to focus on academics at all.  I spent three months getting my ass kicked, not by school, or dreams, or a lack of sleep, but because the incompetence of Cooks Counseling Center at Virginia Tech to properly attend to its students.  I developed drug addictions to Lorazapam and Trazadone, and was given the nickname Mr. Benzedrine by the freshman cadets, giving homage to the Fall Out Boy song.

Needless to say, I withdrew from the university that semester.  I stayed on campus, graduating from the Corps of Cadets, but it has little meaning to me now.  What I wanted most at this point in time was to leave the university, but to do so with a degree.  However, since I was unable to properly function enough to attend classes, I was unable to do so.

The vigil was not the same either.  No longer was the vigil about mourning those that had passed.  Much of the university had moved on, or wanted to deal with the remembrance in their own way.  The new students saw the event as a photo opportunity.  To them it was something that was incredible to see and witness, but not to be a part of, and therefore alienated me even more.

This was the hardest year yet, and for good reason.  Being stuck at a university, with little alternatives to leave, and a yearning to just move on with life, while taking something from the university, as in a degree that I felt deserved of, was not within my grasp, and so I would have to return yet once more to the place that would haunt my dreams.

I will continue to add more posts, leading up to the 16th, documenting my journey over the past 3 years.

Part 5: 3 Years Later
Part 4: The Midnight Disease
Part 3: Insomnia, the New York Yankees, and the First Memorial
Part 2: The Media, Family, Friends, the West Point Summer, and the Decision to Return
Part 1: The Beginning of the Week
We will Prevail.  We are Virginia Tech.
April 16th, 2007

Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness (Modern Library)

Marcus Atilius Regulus: A Historiography and Transformation from Roman History to Legend

Turner's Regulus My paper today concerns the historigraphical treatment of Marcus Atilius Regulus, consul 267 and 256 BCE, in both ancient Greek and Roman historians and more modern historians, from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries.  On the one hand, the story of Regulus’ heroic actions serve as an exemplum of roman virtues, while on the other hand, the story of Regulus has been called into account regarding its veracity.  My paper will look at examine Regulus’ story

The story enabled Greek and Roman historians to demonstrate both positive and negative behavior of Regulus.  Later artists, poets, playwrights, and historians have envisioned differently the story of Regulus throughout the past 2,300 years, seeking to reveal the life of a man whom they wish to portray, depending on their own objectives, for either positive or negative reasons.  Horace, for example, sought to use Atilius Regulus as an example to motivate Augustus to reclaim the standards and soldiers lost by Crassus in defeat by the Parthians in 53 BCE.  Cicero repeatedly used Regulus as an example of Stoic virtues in defining how a Roman should lead a happy life in the service of Rome.  Playwrights such as Hannah Moore and Lucien Arnault, among many others within a 160-year period, all wrote plays portraying the story of Regulus and attempt to create a citizenship more like Regulus.  Presently, Regulus remains a model of virtue and honor.

Now, the story.

I begin with Marcus Atilius Regulus as he is depicted in the ancient sources.  He had served as consul 13 years prior, in 267 BCE, campaigning in Calabria.  Zonaras, the Greek historian, recounts Regulus’ early career, and in fact, based on early successful military exploits, Regulus was chosen as consul suffectus, a job which he did not want, but was chosen for merit in 256 BCE.

During the First Punic War, Regulus demonstrated his skills and talents through engagements  both on land and on sea.  His career and successes in this war deserve much and close attention but our emphasis today will be on his career and actions, which form the legend that grew up around him.  Specifically, in 255 when Regulus engaged the Carthaginians at the battle of Tunis, 10 miles from Carthage, he was taken captive when the Romans were decimated.  Of an army of 15,000, only 1500 returned home, and another 500 were taken captive, including Regulus.

Many historians retell the accounts of Regulus’ life, but some historians are silent about his actions, or their writings are in fragments or missing.  However, from the sources available, I will account for his actions surrounding his role in the First Punic War.  Cassius Dio and Zonaras write that Marcus Atilius Regulus was selected for merit as consul suffectus, based on his role as consul in 167 BCE.  In his first actions as consul, Zonaras and Polybius, Marcus Atilius Regulus is mentioned as leading a Roman fleet from Messene toward Africa in 256 BCE.  The Romans landed at Aspis, after a victorious naval engagement with the Carthaginians off Ecnomus.  Polybius, along with Diodorus Siculus and Zonaras, then reports that RegThe Death of Regulus - Salvatore Rosaulus remained in Africa while Lucius Manlius returned to Rome.  Regulus garrisoned the city of Aspis as his base of operations in Africa.  Livy, Zonaras, Ionnes Damascenes, Silius Italicus, and Aulus Gellius each give an account of a fascinated story on how Regulus defeated a 120-foot serpent that attacked his troops, defeated it with catapults, and sent the skin to Rome for display.  In the battle of Adys, Regulus routes Carthaginian forces, according to Livy, Polybius, Zonaras, and Diodorus Siculus, and advances to Carthage.  Now, the Carthaginians offered peace negotiations, as Regulus led his army within ten miles of the city gates, according to Dio Cassius, Zonaras, Diodorus Siculus, and Polybius, which were so harsh that the Carthaginians chose, rather, to fight.  In the ensuing battle, Zonaras and Polybius mention how the Carthaginians, under the Spartan mercenary general Xanthiappus, routed the Roman forces, capturing 500 men, including Regulus, while only 1500 returning to Rome of the 15,000 men Regulus was left in Africa with.  Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus, consul in 129 BCE, is reported by Aulus Gellius, as well as Dio Cassius, Appian, Cicero, Livy, and Zonaras, to have returned to Rome while a prisoner to engage in peace negotiations around the year 250 BCE.  He swore an oath to the Carthaginian senate that he would return from his parole if he could not sway the Roman senate to peace, or at least a trade of prisoners.  Once in Rome, he, instead, told his fellow senators to continue to wage war against Carthage.  Upon his return from Rome he died; however the way he died is debated among ancient historians.  Tubero, in an extract in Gellius, along with Dio and Zonaras, say the Carthaginians tortured Regulus by sewing his eyelids open, turning his face upward towards the sun.  One extract from Diodorus, preserved by Tzertes, indicates Regulus was tortured by having his eyelids cut off with a knife, and was then crushed to death by a maddened elephant.  While none of the extant fragments of Diodorus mention the peace mission to Rome, but only that Regulus’ wife was under the impression that he died from lack of care.  Tuditanus and Appian agreed that Regulus did in fact die from being kept awake for a long time.  Furthermore, Cicero accounted that Regulus died from cruel torture.  Diodorus Siculus, Tuditanus, Zonaras, Dio Cassius, and Polybius account that the Roman senate turned over two highborn Carthaginian captives that the family of Regulus tortured in retribution for the Marcus Atilius Regulus’ death.

Until the seventieth century, the accounts of Regulus’s death by Carthaginian hands, had been widely believed to be true, as recorded in the fragments of Dio Cassius and Zonaras, as well as the writings of Horace, Cicero, Appian, and Livy.  However, the veracity of their accounts and indeed of the story of Regulus itself has been called into question.  Among those who question the story are Palmerius, de Beaufort, Niebhur, and Toland, all historians of ancient Rome.

In 1668, Palmerius published his “Exercitationes in Optimos fere Autures Graecos” endeavored to prove that the accounts of Regulus’ torture and death were fictional.  Palmerius claimed that Diodorus Siculus, being a Sicilian, would have better knowledge of Carthaginian interactions than a Roman, and thus his account was the correct one.  In addition, Palmerius interpreted Polybius’ silence on the story as an inability to trust the sincerity of both Philinus and Fabius’ accounts of Regulus’ death.  He then suggested that Polybius did not want to surpass the limits of historical certainty by recounting a popular Roman tale as truth, nor did he wish to incur Roman hatred by merely dismissing it as rumor.

Regulus John Toland, in his dissertation “The Fabulous Death of Atilius Regulus” of 1722, asserts that Regulus died of disease during his captivity.  Toland believed that Polybius’ silence proved the fiction of the account of his returning to Rome.  He also attested that the torture of Regulus was a legend that was created by Regulus’ wife and children to keep themselves out of jail for such inhumane tortures of their Carthaginian prisoners.  Toland assesses his belief that the women of Rome fostered the myth to keep his wife within her rights.

Louis De Beaufort supported Palmerius’ opinion on the death of Marcus Atilius Regulus in his “Dissertation sur l’incertitude des cinq premiers sicles de l’histoire romaine,” published in 1738.  De Beaufort attested that the contrasting accounts of Tuditanus, Tubero, Cicero, and Florus, coupled with the agreement of Appian and Silius about what proved the illegitimacy of the account.  Moreover, de Beaufort engaged in a topic that Palmerius did not: de Beaufort rejected Regulus’ mission to Rome.  De Beaufort asserted that Polybius’ silence on the account of Regulus’ mission was sufficient proof that the story was fictional.

B.G. Niebuhr treated Regulus with considerable space in his “Lectures on the History of Rome,” from 1849.  While he believed the account of Regulus’ mission to Rome to be true, he asserted that the account of Regulus’ heroism was exaggerated by later generations, or Regulus would have been branded with infamy for breaking an oath.  However, Niebhur observed that the letter Regulus supposedly sent, wishing his early return from Africa, was inconsistent with Polybius’ telling that Regulus wished to conclude the war in Africa by himself.  Niebuhr also supported the account that Regulus’ family was given Hasdrubal and Bodostor as hostages following Regulus’ death.

A number of modern historians, however, have treated his story more favorably.

IN 1846 Halthaus, in “Geschichte Roms im Zeitalter der punischen Krieger,“ rejected the silence arguments.  In 1846 of Regulus’ mission and torture.  He believed that “however off the vengeance sequel sounds, it is odder still to seek therein an argument for the ‘fiction’ of the gruesome death of Regulus.”  Halthaus believed the vengeance taken by Regulus’ wife seemed to call for better justification than just an argument of silence.

W. W. Fowler, who wrote “Roman Essays and Interpretations” in 1920, thought that the serpent that Regulus fought had been a member of a nearly extinct species, whose length is nearly sixty feet, and that merely its length and the number of victims was embellished, but more so, he supposed an attack with equipment was plausible.  Furthermore, he found the alleged savagery of the widow incredible and suggested that if the story of Regulus’ oath, his mission to Rome, and his heroic death was an invention, then it had as its purpose the illustration of Roman belief in the sanctity of oaths, and not the concealment of a barbaric crime.

Tenney Frank suggested, in 1926’s “Two Historical Themes in Roman Literature,” that the mission of Regulus to Rome took place around 248 BCE.  He found no reason to reject the accounts of the mission because of Polybius’ silence, despite Polybius’ relationship to Fabius Pictor and other Romans, and Polybius implies at one point his histories that more could be said on the subject.m503604_98de17030_v

Pais attempted to defend the validity of the accounts of Regulus’ torture, in his “I tormenti inflitti ad Attilio Regolo e l’autenticita della tradizione Romana.”  He found it difficult to reject an account of an event purported to have occurred in a period when roman historiography had seriously begun.  He also asserted that Diodorus’ statement that Regulus died of neglect was only proof to his wife that Regulus needed more attention, but not that he died of disease.  If Diodorus’ account that the government intervened to rescue Hasdrubal, it was only a sign that Roman society had begun to condemn excessive application of personal vendettas.  Moreover, by joining Diodorus account to Polybius’ selectivity, it gave credibility to the tradition.  Finally, Pias remarked that modern attitudes make it difficult to understand the character of Regulus, who would sacrifice his life for the greatness of Rome.

My conclusions are limited to these comments by modern historians regarding the historiographical treatment of Regulus.  The prevalence of Marcus Atilius Regulus in literature well after Rome suggests that the importance of the legend of Marcus Atilius Regulus is not to determine if the story is true or false, but to suggest that his is a worthy example to follow:  follow Regulus example to be honest in all oaths, while also keeping a composed mind.

Jacques Arnault, a French playwright, remarks in the preface to his own screenplay version, Regulus, that the admirable and dramatic elements in Regulus’ life are not so much the way he died as the motives that pointed him toward death, not so much his arrival in Carthage as his departure from Rome.  One could measure the success of this play, he felt, by the applause awarded by the youthful audience, the pride and hope of France.

Implicit in this is that the story of Marcus Atilius Regulus is meaningful and worthwhile.  Regulus is the military hero, whose life is at the service of Rome.  Otherwise, modern historians would not care whether the ancient historians are correct or not.  Modern historians examine the ancient sources for their credibility and trustworthiness.  Though they analyze the ancient sources, and how the story of Regulus was handed down throughout the years following his capture, they only do so to enlighten present and future generations on the issues surrounding Regulus’ story.